One of the most striking of Duolingo’s statistics is that when they analyze data on their 500 million users worldwide, UK users perform extremely well against their international peers, with high rates of engagement, progression and interactions.
This is such a contrast with the typically negative headlines we read about the UK’s ‘poor’ language skills and the languages ‘crisis’ in our schools and universities.
The truth is, British people are motivated by languages; and we are a fundamentally multilingual nation with an estimated 2 million bilingual school pupils.
So is it a policy problem?
It is a myth that we Brits are somehow inherently programmed to be poor at languages. On the contrary, where we have the right policies in place, we have shown ourselves to be among the best in the world.
For example, the FCDO Language Centre is recognized for the quality of its training diplomats in highly sophisticated language skills. The Army implemented language training to facilitate the deployment of troops where sensitive communication is essential. And let us not forget the UK’s track record of scholarship in languages, cultures, and linguistics having shaped and led on international expertise, including the multilingual and language education policies of the European Union and the Council of Europe.
Since the All-Party Parliamentary Group on Modern Language published its National Recovery Programme for Languages in 2018, the sector has organised itself and is speaking in a more unified way. The British Academy, Association of School and College Leaders, British Council, and Universities UK published Towards a National Languages Strategy which has shaped the advocacy of languages. The Languages Gateway is a good example of a cross-sector effort to catalyze collaboration.
Within the government, GCHQ chairs the cross-government language group, bringing together officials from across the civil service, with targeted briefings from researchers to inform policy.
Innovation is emerging from across the sector. For example, excellent primary school practice rooted in established expertise, such as the Primary Languages Network and Hackney’s borough-wide program. Hackney’s initiative offers Spanish in all schools, boosting primary-secondary transition, GCSEs and A levels. Hounslow’s Languages For All programme allows Sixth Form Colleges to pool their young people to keep offering languages A levels through blended learning.
And the list doesn’t stop there. Cities of Languages are a grassroots-led movement harnessing the enthusiasm for languages in our communities, schools, and local leaders. In Scotland, Edinburgh College reaches communities across the Highlands and Islands remotely: a model for widening access. In Wales, the pioneering MFL Mentoring programme models university-school mentoring and ambassador collaborations, informing efforts across the UK.
There are signs the government is learning from this innovation. In recent official responses it has pointed to Hackney and Languages for All, for example. This can only be a welcome development. There are also signs that the government is matching their aspirations with funding. The National Consortium for Languages Education combines the structural advantages of organizing schools around ‘language network’ hubs with action research directed by experts at UCL Institute of Education; the UK’s return to Erasmus+ will transform young people’s opportunities; and planned future alternative, stepped qualifications in languages are widely welcomed as a step towards broadening participation.
However, the overall policy landscape can undermine these efforts in other ways.
Inequality of access to language education in schools and universities is entrenched: the languages offer, and take-up, is skewed towards affluent demographics and Russell Group universities. Brexit removed Erasmus+ and put up barriers to study, work and participate in reciprocal programs for a generation. While the UK’s return to Erasmus+ is a relief, many of the issues surrounding visa rules persist.
The truth is, British people are motivated by languages; and we are a fundamentally multilingual nation with an estimated 2 million bilingual school pupils.
The current crisis in teacher recruitment, reliant as it is on candidates from overseas, is another casualty of contradictory policies which both incentivize (through bursaries) and prevent (through immigration rules) the movement of students and young professionals for their studies and careers.
Perhaps most importantly, funding models for examinations, A levels and university provision treat subjects as commercial offers. In this competitive environment, we are seeing university closures, falling provision at A level and a washback effect on GCSE uptake when there is a shrinking onwards offer for pupils. How much language provision will be left in our institutions by the time the government’s plans are delivered?
There are reasons to be cheerful about languages in the UK, but only if there is broader action and recognition at the highest level of government. Yes, officials should learn from innovations on the ground; bring research into policymaking; and encourage cross-departmental cooperation. Above all, the government needs a broader strategy for languages that prevents policies from contradicting each other.
